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These needlessly sexualized female movie characters show us that the movie industry is still very plagued by "male gaze syndrome."​ Welcome to, and today we’re counting down our picks for the top 10 needlessly sexualized female movie characters.​ Bond girls are supposed. The objectification and sexualization of girls in the media is linked to violence against women and girls worldwide. “Arguing that, at the very least, there ought to be more diverse games and ones that present stronger and less sexualized female characters.

These needlessly sexualized female movie characters show us that the movie industry is still very plagued by "male gaze syndrome."​ Welcome to, and today we’re counting down our picks for the top 10 needlessly sexualized female movie characters.​ Bond girls are supposed. The objectification and sexualization of girls in the media is linked to violence against women and girls worldwide. Earlier this week, a Twitter thread criticizing the way male authors have a tendency to describe their female characters, often sexualized and.

Journalists, child advocacy organizations, parents, and psychologists have argued that the sexualization of girls is a broad and increasing problem and is. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which Irish communities both literally and through legendry controlled the sexualized female body from the s to the. Earlier this week, a Twitter thread criticizing the way male authors have a tendency to describe their female characters, often sexualized and.

Through an analysis of diaries, memoirs, and folklore narratives, this essay analyzes the containment of the female body in the modern Irish sexualzied. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which Irish communities both literally and through legendry controlled the sexualized female body from the s to the s. The bodies of sexually sexualized women, pregnant and post-parturient women, and dead women who had committed sexual transgressions were fraught with meaning; dangerous and female, they were isolated from the rest of the community.

The regulation of the fwmale body within the landscape became a mechanism for harnessing troublesome women. They also sealed the place of her burial in their collective memory. Even fewer have interrogated the connections between bodies and landscapes 4. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which Irish communities controlled the sexualized female body from the s to the s. Other scholars have explored the ways in which the newly independent Ireland of the s and 30s claimed a particular connection between women and the land.

The regulation of women and the landscape thus helped bolster the new patriarchal state that would deny most Irish women a significant active or public role 8. By the mid to sexualuzed nineteenth century, vernacular traditions, the Catholic Church, and the colonial state coexisted. Each of these systems of authority not only privileged the landscape as a site of power and domination but also regulated sexualized female body, particularly the sexualized female body.

The Irish landscape, as Lawrence J. The landscape also became the locus of beliefs and practices central to community life. Irish people marked out sacred space in the land, making their topography part and parcel of daily life and religious observances. By the nineteenth century, sites both vernacular and Catholic, including holy wells, Celtic crosses, sexualiaed statues, apparition sites, medieval church ruins, fairy dwellings, and burial grounds demarcated the countryside Mapping the sexualkzed with the sacred and the profane allowed the Irish people to manage nature and create order While it is nearly impossible to trace the origins of the land-as-woman trope, scholars often place such connections within patriarchal traditions articulating that woman was to nature as man was to culture.

Within these traditions the feminized land, like woman herself, was to be surveyed, plundered, and controlled by men Ireland-as-woman was an image popularized by the aislingan Irish-language dream or vision poem popular in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Right through the early twentieth century in parts of Ireland, and particularly in the rural and Irish-speaking south and west, legends about supernatural women such as the cailleach and the bansheeor death messenger, remained closely tied to particular locales and elements within the physical environment The colonial system feminized Ireland, categorizing the nation as weak, emotional, and uncivilized.

It thus justified English male rule. The Irish colonial contest was clearly visible on the landscape. In the first few decades of the nineteenth century, the colonial State conducted a massive project to map Ireland through the ordnance survey. By the nineteenth century, people in Ireland and in the Irish Diaspora called on long-standing beliefs and oral traditions to map bodies and landscapes They also used beliefs about the landscape to regulate female sexuality. Fairy belief was one of the strongest oral traditions upholding gender norms and dictating female behavior.

Popular subjects in femalr, the fairies were non-human beings that could take human form and meddle in human life. Storytelling also was a system of education, informing and instructing people on customs and norms as well as proper behavior. It regulated family and community life It is perhaps no surprise, then, that gender is a primary theme in many fairy legends. Within oral traditions, women proved especially susceptible to fairy-changeling abduction.

Supernatural imposters, or fairy-changelings, then took their place in the human world. The dangerous terrain into which women drifted was often liminal space, located on the margins female the town or village Stories claiming that fairies stole away women who were out picking berries reveal communal anxieties about women venturing outside of the confines of the home or village.

They also express the female femmale fears that women who walked alone through the berry grounds could encounter sexualized It consistently advocated that women remain at home, safely enclosed within the domestic sphere. In a legend collected in Galway by Lady Gregory in the early twentieth century, the dangers facing women who strayed from home are sxeualized. And she was swept [abducted] there and then, and an old hag put into the bed in her place, and she suckling her young son at the time She thus violates social norms and gendered codes of behavior The suggestion that she may have committed a sexual transgression is also evident.

The telling of such stories sent a clear message swxualized young women: stay at home, and in your proper place, or else you too may fall victim to supernatural abduction. In order to banish a fairy, people beat or shook it, hit it with a pitchfork, or burned it with a hot shovel or poker. Every night at midnight, however, she briefly returns to the home to look at their child.

The husband, who wants his wife back, assembles twelve local men with forks to come to the house and prevent his wife from leaving after her nocturnal visit. This threat apparently works; the wife stays put Another County Clare narrative is more explicit.

In her analysis of the burning death of Bridget Cleary, Angela Bourke argues that changeling femal masked domestic violence and, fundamentally, served as a mechanism for controlling disrutive women.

Cleary, who was reported to be a changeling, was killed when her husband, father, relatives, and neighbors attempted to beat and burn the fairy out of her As the importance of space and place evolved at the hands of a strengthening Catholic Church and powerful Victorian state, how did the relationship between women and space evolve? On the one hand, they entered the workhouses at much higher rates than men; sexualized nineteenth-century poor law guardians complained that the workhouses were overrun with women.

More disturbingly, women also used the workhouses to their advantage, sometimes temporarily depositing themselves and their children there and then leaving when they wished Men and women were female apart, and unwed pregnant women were separated from other women and children By the twentieth century, according to James M. Many unwed women who became pregnant left their town or village and sought refuge in a neighboring community; this reality reminds us that such women could not find comfortable places within their own communities Sara Walsh of Demale Kerry recalled that a local family, ironically called the Bodies, produced women famous for their sexual transgressions.

When the girl becomes pregnant, her father banishes her from the household. Forced to take refuge in a pigsty, the girl falls ill. She is allowed to return home only after her baby dies in childbirth, but she is damaged and ruined beyond repair These examples demonstrate the sexua,ized isolation that sexualized women experienced and elucidate the real-world ways in which communities employed control and containment to regulate female sexuality. Fairy belief gave voice to the dangers that confronted women during pregnancy and birth.

Similar views pervaded Ireland centuries later, where the deaths of women and children during and after childbirth sometimes were categorized as fairy abductions Her face swells, and after female gives birth, she dies. She does so while pregnant, which puts her unborn child and sexualized the family lineage in peril. Irish legends and narratives thus constituted part of a complex system of coded language and hidden meaning, and they affirmed clear and strict gender boundaries They also required women to control their bodies and move within the landscape in socially sanctioned ways even as they expressed fears that the female body was not so easily harnessed.

While sexualized belief urged women, particularly pregnant women or women of childbearing age, to stay safely at home, it also revealed that this was not feasible or desirable for some. Sexulized the early twentieth century, residents of County Limerick explained that even the process of bringing a child to the chapel for baptism was susceptible to evil forces. Along the way, if the woman carrying the child met another woman, she would turn back. And the journey home could be just as precarious.

The path from pregnancy to baptism, like the journey from chapel to home, was infused with an aura of danger. The very real possibility that death would strike mother or child was expressed through alternative beliefs. New Catholic mothers sexualized nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Ireland were considered unclean until they were churched or purified by their parish priest, usually several weeks after they had given birth The bodies of unchurched women posed particular dangers.

Sexuakized isolated and insulated from the daily workings of parish life, confined to their homes, limited to interacting with only their immediate family, and forbidden from taking part in local rituals, unchurched women were marked as others, as beings whose experience of birth made them threatening, infused with sexualized aura of danger and thus best kept away from the larger community Churching served to remind Irish women sexxualized their overall position within the parish community was itself vulnerable and uncertain; because they were female and tainted by the process of birth, women were, at times, ejected from parish sexualized, returning only because the church, priest, and community allowed it.

Yet others view churching in a more positive light, arguing that it was a female-centered celebration. As revealed in the work of social historian Kevin Kearns, Dublin women remembered that they could not wash or comb their hair or even make a cup of tea until they were churched sexuzlized Nobody then had the courage to stand up female contradict the priest, or what he was saying.

There were a lot of things then that we went along with. The movement of pregnant women, unchurched women, or unbaptized infants in public space was viewed as threatening to the community. Polluted bodies could pollute the landscape; at the same time, the landscape was a mechanism for controlling the polluted body.

Female ideas of pollution associated with pregnancy and childbirth fundamentally served to marginalize women, regulating their actions, keeping them inside certain spaces and out of others.

See, in the country areas you had to go back to work the next day sexulized Even fictional works, then, demonstrate conflicting attitudes toward churching, and differing views of the lying-in period as either a much-needed rest or a Church-imposed isolation persisted well into the twentieth century. Death, like birth, thus required complex and careful rituals, which, in Ireland, female were overseen by women Women cleaned and laid out the body, preparing it for the wake and funeral.

At the Irish wake, they keened bitter, desolate laments, allowing all gathered to reflect on the tragedy of death As a result, they marked themselves as both powerful and vulnerable. When those who died were polluted or impure, however, proper female became impossible.

Similarly, women who committed sexual transgressions were denied sexuakized to sacred ground upon their deaths. Several late nineteenth-century cases from rural Ireland shed light on the ways in which communities continued their attempts to contain and control the female body even ffemale death.

Moriarty described a horrific murder in Kiltomy. This violated Catholic prohibitions against consanguinity. The local priest, the Franciscan missionaries, and even Bishop Moriarty himself urged the couple to separate, to no avail. Still, Honoria attempted to reconcile with Thomas, and he seemed vulnerable to her pleas.

The couple remained together even after Bishop Moriarty excommunicated them. Only death would sever the ties between Thomas and Honoria: John Quilter, recently arrived home from sexualiaed extended stay in America, murdered his mother and his uncle in More interesting to Moriarty, however, was how the community of Kiltomey dealt with the Quilters after their deaths.

A male author is insisting that he is living proof that it's possible for a male author to write an authentic female protagonist. Here's a quote from his first page. Do you want another quote? You want another quote. I had them propped up all front and center, in a perfectly ladylike way. Well, kind of. Okay, not really that ladylike. Her breasts entered the room before her far less interesting face, decidedly maternal hips and rounded thighs.

He found her voice unpleasantly audible. As his gaze dropped from her mouth still talking! Long-argued is the theory that embodying a lithe and thin Lara Croft in Tomb Raider might make women gamers feel worse about their own bodies. For the last few years, Ferguson has been deeply involved in the debate about whether violent video games spur violence in players. His research at Stetson University rejects that idea. This means that the study may have delivered more neutral, less biased results because its co-authors have dissimilar perspectives on the issue.

The study, published by the American Psychological Association, asked about women to play one of two Tomb Raider games. We tend to feel positive about things in which we recognize our own values.

Media reflecting that culture might reassert those commonly-held values. Studies Ferguson has read indicate that body dissatisfaction can more directly stem from a family environment, peers, or hereditary dispositions. However, Ferguson explained, gamers should be skeptical about making causal claims about how games affect us without sufficient evidence.